Restoring faith in our democracy, recovering from the attempted coup
By Nikol Alexander-Floyd
Since Jan. 6, I have been trying to make sense of the attempted coup on U.S. soil and wondering if we can ever restore our faith in democracy. Many of us are still reeling from the violent attack, accustomed, at least in modern times, to what has been touted globally as a peaceful transfer of power after each U.S. presidential election. The incitement to violence by a sitting president and the breach of the U.S. Capitol seemed surreal.
Many, if not most, were taken by surprise, but should they have been? For them, the violence seemed out of step with U.S. national identity. From the perspective of Indigenous communities, African Americans and other people of color, however, violence is more defining of our country than any other marker. So many of us have lived with the legacy of genocide, enslavement, colonization, Jim Crow, lynchings, systemic racism and more; this new violence is no surprise.
To close election observers, moreover, the attempted coup was disconcerting, but again, not surprising. Former President Trump openly, consistently and unwaveringly stated that he would not accept any election outcome that did not have him serving for a second term. Political scientists like myself and others attuned to the political moment cautioned that Trump was laying the groundwork to stay in power by any means necessary.
Was anyone listening?
The evidence was clear
Even Michael Cohen, Trump’s former lawyer, presciently claimed that Trump would not leave office peacefully, first in 2019 congressional testimony and later in his 2020 book, Disloyal: A Memoir. Suggesting that Trump was fearful of the legal jeopardy he faced once out of office, Cohen stated, “Trump knows he will face prison time if he leaves office.”
Trump has weathered more than his fair share of scandals, including impeachment, with the aid of lawyers, the blessing of the Republican establishment and a Republican base that is steadfastly supportive. His authoritarian nature, lust for money and power, and legal issues proved a perfect brew to fuel his megalomaniacal aspirations.
From the perspective of Indigenous communities, African Americans and other people of color, violence is more defining of our country than any other marker.
One of the most astounding features of Trump’s effort is that so much transpired in plain sight. Again, he was clear and consistent in his speeches and interviews about his goal of staying in office, despite election outcomes, refusing to say that he would acknowledge the results if he lost. He laid the groundwork for delegitimizing the results by suggesting there had been widespread election fraud. He prematurely declared victory, calling the mail-in vote count a coordinated effort by Democrats to swipe his win.
Post-election, he doubled down on his unsubstantiated framing and began efforts to directly subvert election results: He filed dozens of suits destined for the dustbins, invited officials to the White House to pressure them into supporting his goals, and harassed top officials in key states to either do additional recounts or flat-out manufacture votes.
Equally important to note is that Trump was not in this alone: He had the blessing and active cooperation of the Republican establishment. Former Attorney General William Barr supported Trump’s views early on. After it was clear that Biden was the victor, then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo quipped, “There will be a smooth transition to a second Trump administration.” Senate leader Mitch McConnell said Trump was “100 percent within his rights to look into allegations of irregularities and weigh his legal options,” when there had been no credible evidence of fraud.
With all of the foregoing maneuvers, and over 70 percent of those who voted for him believing the “Big Lie” — that Trump won but was denied his second term through voter fraud — Trump’s efforts to rally supporters for a showdown in D.C. and incite them to violent action against the Capitol were shocking, but utterly predictable.
A path forward: Education and organizing
At the very least, this failed attempt to derail the presidential election underscores two things: the importance of education, especially civic education, and the need for accountability and long-term political organizing.
I have reflected on the first imperative quite a bit, most especially on the fact that many are unaware of the debt owed to Black advocates and elected officials during Reconstruction. They championed, among other things, free public education, as a bulwark against the type of tyranny slavery represented.
From this perspective, education prepares people not only to make a living, but for civic membership — ideally, fashioning a society supportive of everyone. Today, many are not getting the basics, not to mention critical-thinking skills, and are not invested in any goal beyond individual attainment.
Many people, at a very basic level, could not read the signs of Trump’s treachery because they did not understand how our election system works. They were unaware that we are the only Western nation that chooses its head of state not by popular vote but by an Electoral College. They were unclear about many details of the election process such as the meaning of “safe harbor” as it relates to vote certification by states, or the fact that, if there is not a clear majority in Electoral College votes, then one member of the House of Representatives from each state votes, which, in December 2020, would have left Republicans with a slim but reliable, majority to choose the president.
Now, more than ever, we need education for critical thinking, and for character development, and not just to sustain a living. And, we need education — K-12 and for college and trades — that is free. It’s that important as a public good.
Now, more than ever, we need education for critical thinking, and for character development, and not just to sustain a living.
In addition to education, we need sober acceptance of the need to plan and fight for the long haul. As Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. suggested, we cannot be comfortable with “a negative peace which is the absence of tension” but must attain a “positive peace which is the presence of justice.” Simply put, there is much work ahead of us.
The Biden-Harris inauguration was a glorious moment, if only because it signaled a space of grace from the authoritarianism Trump represents, at least in terms of the presidency. But, we still live in a country grounded in inequality, rife with corruption, weighed down with the pandemic and with rampant white ethno-nationalism. Now, our work begins in earnest.
We have no time for honeymoons. Accountability needs to be the word of the day and the organizing that people are doing — for education, for better wages and working conditions, for a better future — is more critical than ever. For those who are faculty, it is incumbent on us to meet people where they are — in a university without walls — working, sharing and organizing, like our lives and futures depend on it, because they do.
Nikol Alexander-Floyd is an associate professor of political science at Rutgers University, New Brunswick, in New Jersey, and an executive council member of Rutgers AAUP-AFT, the faculty union there.
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